Why it may be ignorant for foreign nations to blame 'nationalistic' policies for Manipur violence

On Tuesday (August 1), the Supreme Court of India pulled up the Manipur administration, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), for “an absolute breakdown of constitutional machinery” in the northeastern state in the past two months.

"The state police is incapable of investigation. They have lost control. There is absolutely no law and order,” the Supreme Court observed as it blasted the government for delays in filing first information reports, botched-up investigations and no arrests.

The Supreme Court’s clear-cut dressing-down of the state administration reaffirms the fact that Indian democracy is capable of delivering justice and healing its wounds, and that it doesn’t need unwarranted ‘well-wishers’ from outside, like the European Union.

The EU Parliament in early July adopted a motion that blamed “Hindu majoritarianism” for the ethnic clashes, in an attempt at painting the conflict in religious colours.

The EU resolution denounced “in the strongest terms nationalistic rhetoric deployed by leading members of the BJP party.”

It reflects the intellectual bankruptcy of EU lawmakers. Anyone who claims Manipur violence is a direct result of BJP’s ‘Hindu nationalistic policies’, is either unaware of history and facts or is being driven by vested interests.

Manipur: A history of violence

To begin with, tribal clashes in Manipur date back to the pre-colonial era, when Nagas and Meitei would often rise up against each other and vie for dominance. Interestingly, it was the Europeans who further complicated the ethnic equation in Manipur during the colonial era.

Britishers came in and sided up with the Meiteis, who primarily used to live in the valley area. The colonialists would help Meiteis defend against Nagas, who used to live up in the hills.

Then in the later years, Britishers came up with a plan to resettle Kuki tribals from neighbouring Burma (Now Myanmar) in the foothills of Manipur, who would act as a shield for the valley-dwellers Meiteis and absorb all hostilities of the Nagas.

So, thanks to the British rulers, Manipur’s already-fragile ethnic structure was further complicated to serve interests of imperial Britain. Now, the state had three tribes—Nagas, Meiteis and Kukis—who hated each other, would often fight armed rebellions and vie for control over the region.

Continuing rivalries​

Recent ethnic clashes in the Manipur state stem from tensions between the Meiteis and Kukis. Meiteis are primarily Hindus, who make up 53 per cent of the state’s total population but live only in 10 per cent land area in the valley. On the other hand, the Kukis constitute 28 per cent of Manipur’s population but live in 90 per cent land area in the hills.

Indian constitution acknowledges the Kuki community as one of the country’s most disadvantaged groups, a status which gives them special governmental benefits such as quotas in jobs and education.

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However, Meiteis are now demanding the same benefits, as they fear increasing immigration of the Kukis from Myanmar following the 2021 coup there would make them a minority in their own state. This has led to the eruption of deadly violence among Meiteis and Kukis, which has so far claimed more than 150 lives.

While it is understandable that the state administration could have done a better job at curtailing the violence in the state, blaming BJP’s so-called majoritarian policies for violence is sheer ignorance.

What is Indian govt doing to quell violence in Manipur?​

In fact, the union government has taken a slew of measures since the violence broke out in the state on May 3.

On May 3 itself, the central government swiftly took action by engaging with Manipur's top leadership and deploying available Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) units. 

An additional 124 CAPF companies and 184 Indian Army/Assam Rifles columns were deployed to reinforce security and maintain law and order.

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Most importantly, the government ensured a steady supply of essential commodities. 

Under previous governments, the state has witnessed long painful blockades during such ethnic clashes, lasting from 30 days to as long as 139 days in a year. 

Such blockades often end up sending fuel and food prices soaring.

Furthermore, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah stayed in Manipur for good four days from May 29 to June 1. During his stay, he presided over 15 meetings with government officials, security forces, political leaders, and civil society organisations. 

He visited relief camps, areas affected by violence, and also engaged with people from diverse communities impacted by the conflict.

Delving deep into history is a prerequisite for one to understand the complexities involved in such cases of ethnic clashes, especially when talking about one of the most diverse countries on the planet. 

Issuing sweeping statements would only diminish public understanding of the matter, which may further aggravate the law and order situation on the ground.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)